SOCIAL
PSYCHIATRY
There are
numerous definitions of social psychiatry, and clearly social factors are
relevant in all aspects of psychiatry.
However, social psychiatry is particularly concerned with:
1. social factors associated with the
onset1 course and outcome of psychiatric disorders
2. social effects of mental illness
3. psycho-social disorders
4. social
approaches to prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of the psychiatrically
ill.
A number of
these issues will be covered in this lecture with a concentration on
contemporary issues which may be relevant to the exam.
Institutions
Goffman was
one of the first people to suggest that institutions may be causing more harm
than good. He introduced a number of
concepts including batch living, binary living, the inmate role and the
institutional perspective. He describes
patients reacting by withdrawal, open rebellion, colonisation and
conversion. His work was followed up by
the work of Barton (1959) who coined the phrase "institutional
neurosis". This was a syndrome that he put down to the effects of
institutions of low self esteem, withdrawal of interest and inability to plan
for the future. John Wing introduced
the concept of secondary handicap and carried out the influential Three
Hospital Study. He emphasised the importance of the attitude of others as being
a handicap. He believed the main difference between hospitals was dependent
upon the staff attitude and that low staff expectations led to depression and
indifference in the patients.
Social
Factors and Mental Illness
Farris and
Dunham in Chicago in the 1930's were the first to draw attention to the fact
that schizophrenia was more common in cities, and in particular in poor inner-
city areas, than rural areas. Initially it was believed that the deprivation
was in some way responsible for the schizophrenia. However, the idea of
social
drift soon became prominent (e.g. Goldberg and Morrison 1963), and for many
years it has been believed that it was schizophrenia drift down the social
ladder and into inner-city areas. Recently this idea has been challenged (e.g.
Lewis et al 1992) and it has been suggested that deprivation and city life are
responsible for the increased incidence of disease.
There is a
strong association between measures of deprivation and psychiatric admission
rates (Thornicroft, 1991). The highest associations are with the rate of drug
notification, standard mortality rates and levels of legitimacy. It is not
clear whether deprivation just makes it more likely that you are admitted
rather than there are higher rates of illness. The usual measures of
deprivation are the Jarmen Indices.
These were devised by Brian Jarmen, a GP, and include a number of
factors available from census data including rates of unemployment,
overcrowding, single-parent families, number of children under five, ethnic
groups, elderly living alone, mobility, crime rates and poor housing.
Life
Experiences
There is a
large literature relating psychiatric illness and life experiences. Of
particular relevance are:
·
childhood
separation
·
parental style
·
adverse life
events & extreme experiences
·
bereavement
·
expressed emotion
·
unemployment
social support
The
difficulties of researching into this area are separating causation and
association, and separating objectivity and subjectivity of life events.
Childhood Separation: Fundamental in this field is the work of
John Bowlby,and Attachment Theory, in which he postulated that actual or
threatened separation of a child from his or her mother results in both
immediate distressand causes intrapsychic changes which predispose to
depression or in some instances abnormal personality in adulthood. (see Bowlby,
1977). The first part of this theory is not doubted, but whether childhood
separation is related to adult depression and personality changes is far less
clear, and the research in this area is inconsistent and confusing. Of key
importance must be the child's experience following separation e.g. the quality
of foster or institutional care.
Parental Style: when considering parental style it is vital
that the interaction between child and parent is considered i.e. an impulsive
child will result in differing parental behaviour than a placid child.
(Rutter).
Bowlby (1977) has described a useful
list of pathogenic behaviours in parents:
1. One
or both parents being persistently unresponsive to a
child's
care eliciting behaviour, or being actively disparaging and rejecting;
2. Discontinuities of parenting, occurring
more or less frequently, including periods in hospital or institution;
3. Persistent threats by parents not to
love a child , used as a means of controlling him;
4. Threats by parents to abandon the
family, used either as a method of discipling the child or as a way of coercing
a spouse;
5. Threats by one parent either to desert
or even to kill the other, or else to commit suicide (each of these being more
common than
might
be supposed);
6. Inducing a child to feel guilty by
claiming that his behaviour is or will be responsible for the parent's illness
or death.
Life
events: there are
considerable methodological difficulties in this area
e.g.
retrospective contamination, grading of events, reverse causation (e.g. illness
prodromata causing life events) and confounding factors such as personality
traits.
Finlay Jones
(1988) has summarised the evidence for the clinical significance of life
events. He concludes that life events are related to the onset of depression,
especially mild and moderate depression, suicide and possibly mania. Brown
& Harris (1977) described vulnerability factors (loss of mother before the
age of 11, not working outside the home, lack of confiding relationship and
having three or more children under the age of 15 at home) for depression. This
work has been influential, but not replicated in all subsequent studies.
Overall there appears to be six to nine times increased risk of clinical
depression following life events, but no
difference between endogenous/psychotic pharmacological responsive depression.
With
regards schizophrenia the evidence that life events precipitate relapse is
stronger than evidence that they contribute to onset (Tennant, 1985). There is
some evidence of life events prior to anxiety and obsessive compulsive
disorder, but no evidence linking alcohol abuse and life events.
5. Institutional
(including those in prisons and h6spitals).
It is
notoriously difficult to conduct studies on the homeless. Three major questions remain unanswered:-
1. What
proportion of the homeless have a mental illness?
2. Has
de-institutionalisation led to an increase in the number of the homeless?
3. What
services do the homeless mentally ill need and how best can they be provided?
There are
numerous difficulties in counting the homeless, and homelessness can confuse
traditional measures of
psychopathology, e.g. suspicion, withdrawal or self care. Patients discharged from long-stay hospitals
appear not to be at particular risk from becoming homeless, but it is less
clear whether the younger, never institutionalised, seriously mentally ill are
now at an increased risk following the closure of asylums. It is clear that
services need to be flexible and mobile and this can be difficult with
increasing sectorisation. Mobile treatment teams have been successful in
Australia and the USA. Keys to success appear to be perseverance, flexible
hours, close liaison with other agencies and offering services such as
de-lousing.
Transcultural
Psychiatry
The two
opposing views of transcultural psychiatry are:
Psychiatric
universalist: mental disorders are similar in all cultures
Cultural
Determinist: mental disorders show essential differences in different
cultures
Specific
"culture-bound" disorders include; koro, amok, windigo, Iatah.
Migration:
Odegaard showed higher rates of schizophrenia in Norwegian immigrants in US in
1932. Since then numerous studies have demonstrated higher rates of mental
disorders in a range immigrant groups. The reasons are contentious, but you
need to be aware of the following:
· selective vs. causation theories
· confounding factors e.g. deprivation
· possibility of mis-diagnosis, or bias in
diagnosis
· differences in service utilisation stress
of migration
SOCIAL
CLASS
Registrar
general's classification introduced in 1911. Numerous difficulties with
classification include; non working mothers, retired, unemployed. It is far
from clear what is being measured, and the association between wealth,
education, occupation and family background is becoming less clear. Nevertheless
people classified as social class V, are twice as likely to die before
retirement, twice the neonatal mortality, and have increased rates of virtually
all diseases, compared to those in social class I (The Black Report, 1980).
Middle class patients have longer consultations with their doctors, and children
more "future oriented".
SOCIAL
ROLES (Parsons)
Achievement
vs. Ascribed
Functionally
specific vs. Diffuse
Particular
vs. Universal
In
traditional cultures roles more likely to be particular, diffuse and
ascriptive.
Of
particular importance The Sick Role - excused from normal social roles e.g.
work, and given sympathy etc. In return expected to seek and accept treatment
and get better. The breakdown of this pattern can be described as abnormal
illness behaviour (Mechanic, Pilowsky).
STIGMA
Attached to
certain illnesses, the idea that the victim is to blame e.g. AIDS, STD, lung
cancer. Therefore less deserving of sympathy~ results in
condemnation and anger. Stigma of mental illness reduced by linking to physical
illness.
THE FAMILY
Numerous
models e.g. nuclear vs. extended, reconstituted, single parent, dual worker. Major
changes due to: increased divorce1 fewer children1 increased
longevity. Only one third of households consist of two parents and dependent
children. Important to think of the family as a dynamic structure with changing
roles.